Article by John Derbyshire |
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| The
Law's Delay A current story here in New
York is the trial of John Taylor, a principal in the Wendy’s Massacre.
Taylor is accused of masterminding the murder of five employees,
and the attempted murder of two others, at a fast-food outlet in Queens
borough of New York City. He
and an accomplice had gone into the restaurant just before closing time
one night. When the last
customer had left, they pulled guns, forced the manager to open the safe
and give them the day’s takings, then herded him and his six employees
into a basement freezer. There
they tied the seven up with duct tape, put plastic bags over their heads,
and shot them all. Two of the
employees survived, one with severe brain damage.
(Ja Quione Johnson, 18 years old when he was shot, will spend his
life in a nursing home.) It wasn’t a tough crime
to solve. Taylor was picked
up 36 hours later at his mother’s house in Long Island.
He had in his possession one of the guns used in the crime and
$3,000 in cash, the amount in the safe.
He ratted on his accomplice, Craig Godineaux.
Both men were arraigned within five days of the crime.
Both were career petty criminals.
Godineaux was on parole. He
had served time for robbery and narcotics offenses.
Taylor had a long record of knocking off fast-food outlets.
Just a few months before the Wendy’s Massacre, in fact, he had
been arrested for robbing a McDonald’s.
Released on $3,500 bail, he had disappeared.
An arrest warrant had been issued, but apparently no action had
been taken on it. Taylor had
in fact worked briefly at the very same Wendy’s where the massacre took
place. Dismissed on suspicion
of theft, he had a grievance against the manager. Now, here is the punch
line. The trial of John
Taylor started last week. The
Wendy’s Massacre occurred on May 24, 2000.
With about as straightforward a case as you could imagine, complete
with taped confessions, multiple motivations, eyewitness survivors and a
boxcar full of physical evidence (including surveillance tapes from inside
the restaurant, showing Taylor and Godineaux setting up the crime), it has
taken two and a half years to bring Taylor to trial.
Godineaux was disposed of in February 2001, sentenced to five life
terms after pleading guilty to murdering three of the victims and wounding
two others. He is ineligible
for the death penalty in New York because he has a low IQ — which, as
one observer said, he “carries around with him like an insurance
policy.” The brother of one of the victims noted correctly of
Godineaux that: “He played the system.” Taylor’s case has been
held up because the authorities have decided to seek the death penalty,
and he is determined to avoid it. The
way things work in this state is, if Taylor can be shown to have committed
two of the murders, he can be sentenced to death; but if only one, then he
can’t. Recall that there
were seven victims altogether, of whom two survived.
Of the remaining five, Godineaux has confessed to killing three.
That leaves us with two. Taylor
admits to one, but not the other. “The
other” was a young woman, Anita Smith, 22 years old, who was looking
forward to going to college. Says
her mother: “Apparently nobody shot my daughter.” Two and a half years.
Why has it taken so long just to get John Taylor to trial? I asked NRO’s Jack
Dunphy, a working cop who knows the operations of the
criminal law very well indeed. Jack:
“Well, if it’s a capital case, you know there will be a string of
appeals following conviction. And
those appeal court judges are going to jump on the slightest technicality
to invalidate the verdict. Okay,
suppose that in the preparations for the trial, defense attorneys ask for
a delay. And suppose the
judge refuses that request. Then come appeal time, defense is going to argue: ‘We
couldn’t properly represent our client because we didn’t have enough
time. We asked for a
postponement, but the judge refused us.’
Well, that could be grounds for annulling the verdict.
So of course, when the trial judge gets a request for postponement,
he’s always inclined to grant it, for fear of seeing his court’s
verdict overturned on appeal.” Another occasion of delay
was the time taken by District Attorney Richard Brown to decide whether or
not to seek the death penalty. The
rules allow him six months to make up his mind.
Because Craig Godineaux wanted to dance the
IQ tango, a further two months got added to this little
segment of the process. “Eight
months of soul-searching,” is how DA Brown describes
it, sounding like a man prepping himself for an appearance on the
Oprah Winfrey show. Eight
months? Blimey, it only took
Harry Truman nine days to decide whether to drop the atom bomb on Japan.
But then, Truman was a farmer and small businessman, not a lawyer. And of course, the delays
and postponements have barely begun.
Even if convicted and sentenced to death, John Taylor can
confidently look forward to fifteen or twenty years of appeals and
re-appeals. Endless
quantities of time and money will be spent going over and over the details
of his arrest, confinement and trial.
Probably not much time will be spent going over the details of the
actual crime, since it is perfectly obvious to everyone that Taylor was
instrumental in the murder of five helpless people.
That, however, is not very important.
What is important is the process. Among other things that are
not important are the victims and those who loved or depended on them.
The victims were, after all, just little people — workers on the
late shift at a fast-food outlet in a bad neighborhood.
From the lofty perspective of an Appeals Court judge, a New York
Times editorial writer, a forensic psychiatrist, or even a District
Attorney, they were people of no consequence — losers, really.
They seem all to have been black or Hispanic, except for
40-year-old Ali Ibadat, a Pakistani immigrant who somehow saved enough
from his meager wages to send money back to his family in Pakistan.
The ages of the others were: 18,
18, 18, 22, 27, 44. The
44-year-old was Ramon Nazario, a family man who enjoyed Latin-style
dancing and preparing barbecue cook-outs.
Ramon Nazario is dead now. That’s
not very important though — I mean, imagine a guy 44 years old who works
in a fast-food restaurant at something close to minimum wage.
Talk about loser! Don't these people know about stock
options? I am speaking facetiously,
of course, but those sorts of sentiments are not far from the way legal
professionals actually feel. A
few months ago I wrote a
piece on New Jersey cop-killer Thomas Trantino, who is now
walking about this country a free man — a minor celebrity, in fact, in
certain circles. I got some
heartbreaking e-mails from relatives of one of Trantino’s victims, a
young cop who was 22 years old at the time of his death in 1963.
Forty years later, the relatives are still not permitted to forget.
They have been summoned to appeals and parole hearings, they see
Trantino’s smirking face — Look at me!
I gamed the system! — in newspapers and on TV, they are never
going to be allowed to forget. Reading their e-mails, their agony and frustration bleed from
the screen. “Can’t you do
anything? Can’t you help
us?” they ask. No, I
can’t do anything, except what I am doing right now.
Nobody can do anything. It’s
the system, you see, it’s the process, and we humble folk are no part of
it. Oh, sure, they called you
to those hearings, they pretended to listen to you on those appeals. That was just pro forma, though. None of the real decision-makers gives a damn what you think.
You’re just little people, just loser types, like Ramon Nazario. Is there any excuse for all
this endless “process”? Yes,
there is, and everybody knows it. All
together now, you know the tune: IT
IS BETTER THAT TEN GUILTY MEN GO FREE, THAN THAT ONE INNOCENT MAN IS
EXECUTED. The problem is, as William
Tucker recently pointed out in a brilliant column on this topic, that this may
not be true. If a hundred
guilty men go free, and if, in their freedom, they commit a dozen murders,
is that really “better” than the execution of one?
The question is not academic, as the case of John Taylor proves. Taylor should not even have been out on the street when he
organized the Wendy’s Massacre. He
was an obvious bad guy, an amoral psychopath with no right to freedom or
full citizenship. A warrant
was out for his arrest — for robbing a fast-food place! — but the
warrant was gathering dust in some District Attorney’s pigeonhole, while
the DA posed in front of a mirror as Rodin’s Thinker.
Was it “better” that John Taylor be given bail on the 1999
charge, than that he be imprisoned, perhaps unjustly? I had better unmask myself
at this point as an extremist in matters penological. I detest criminals, and believe that most of them should be
killed, as a matter of social hygiene.
“Three strikes and you’re out”?
I actually favor “three strikes and you’re dead” — that is,
mandatory execution for a third felony conviction.
I’ll argue the case in detail some other time. Here I just want to express my anger and bafflement at the
way cruel, violent savages like John Taylor and Craig Godineaux are
appeased, yielded to, pampered and excused, while honest working people
— cab drivers, fast-food night-shift workers, gas station attendants,
small storekeepers — are mowed down in their scores and hundreds every
year in America. A great British jurist once
said that the criminal law is not merely a cold mechanism for the
processing of malefactors; it is also a stage, on which the drama of the
public morality is played out. To
an age like ours, obsessed with gadgetry and “process,” with a deep
disdain — among the cognitive elites, at any rate — for the
non-material side of life, that view of the law is wellnigh
incomprehensible. Of
course, say the lawyers, of course it’s a mechanism, of
course it’s a process. We
have to deal with criminals as fairly as we humanly can, taking the utmost
care that none of their rights are infringed upon.
Stage? Drama?
What do they have to do with anything?
We are striving for justice as close to perfect as we can make it.
Does that provide endless employment, masses of work, huge wads of
income, for the legal profession? Well,
yes, it does, but of course that’s not the main point.
Does it generate frustration, bitterness, cynicism and grief in the
nation’s population of non-lawyers?
Possibly — but who cares about them? What the criminal law
actually is, in America today, is a clique activity, like modern poetry or
higher mathematics. Small
self-absorbed clerisies of highly-educated professionals labor away at it,
and the general public is basically not welcome at the party.
Now, the fact of something’s being a clique activity tells us
nothing about its ethical status. It
may be noble, selfless, and civilization-enhancing, like higher
mathematics. It may be
perfectly inconsequential, like modern poetry.
Or it may be malign and anti-social, as I believe the operations of
the criminal law have become. The
common element is, that the general public is not invited to take part,
nor consulted, nor even noticed. We
look back at the public executions of 150 years ago, at the great crowds
assembled to watch the hanging of robbers, murderers and traitors, and
think to ourselves: “How barbaric!”
Well, perhaps it was barbaric, but at least the general public was
not shut out altogether from the enactment of justice, as we are now. Look at what we are left with, after abolishing all those “barbarities.” The defense attorneys blather away with their spurious motions, the appeals court judges scrutinize, and re-scrutinize, and re-re-scrutinize the most microscopic minutiae of rule and procedure, District Attorney Brown plays Hamlet struggling with his precious conscience, psychiatrists administer batteries of tests, the sacred “process” drags its weary length along for months, for years, for decades. And what is that sound we hear in the background? Oh, that’s nothing, that’s not important. That is only Rachel, weeping for her children, refusing to be comforted for her children, because they are not. Who cares? Why, Rachel didn’t even go to law school! |
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